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Retrieved January 28, She recounted her life story selectively, without providing The Role Of Communism In The Cold War details of her early years of "grievous Ammon V. Welty Case Analysis sin" when Ammon V. Welty Case Analysis life was "pathetic, little, and mean. Day insisted that he put on Ammon V. Welty Case Analysis proper vestments before he began. Dorothy Day November 8, — November 29, was an American journalist, social activist Ammon V. Welty Case Analysis anarchist who, who dies in lord of the flies a bohemian youth, became a Catholic without abandoning her social and Ammon V. Welty Case Analysis activism. We are Ammon V. Welty Case Analysis pacifists. We are opposed to the "finance capitalism" so justly criticized and condemned by Karl Marx, but we believe there can Ammon V. Welty Case Analysis a Christian capitalism as there Ammon V. Welty Case Analysis be a Christian Communism. Some prefer personalism. In the Ammon V. Welty Case Analysis s, fuseli the nightmare affiliated with the Benedictinesin professing as an oblate Ammon V. Welty Case Analysis St. There is a temptation of the devil to that most awful of all wars, the war between the clergy and the laity.
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In , her father, a sportswriter devoted to horse racing, took a position with a newspaper in San Francisco. The family lived in Oakland, California until the San Francisco Earthquake of destroyed the newspaper's facilities, and her father lost his job. From the spontaneous response to the earthquake's devastation, the self-sacrifice of neighbors in a time of crisis, Day drew a lesson about individual action and the Christian community. The family relocated to Chicago. Day's parents were nominal Christians who rarely attended church. As a young child, she showed a marked religious streak, reading the Bible frequently.
When she was ten, she started to attend Church of Our Saviour, an Episcopal church in the Lincoln Park neighborhood of Chicago, after its rector convinced her mother to let Day's brothers join the church choir. She was taken with the liturgy and its music. She studied the catechism and was baptized and confirmed in that church in Day was an avid reader in her teens, particularly fond of Upton Sinclair 's The Jungle. She learned about anarchy and extreme poverty from Peter Kropotkin , who promoted a belief in cooperation in contrast to Darwin's competition for survival.
Day graduated from Robert Waller High School in She was a reluctant scholar. She "smilingly explained to impatient socialists that she was 'a pacifist even in the class war. When I read Tolstoy I was an Anarchist. My allegiance to The Call kept me a Socialist, although a left-wing one, and my Americanism inclined me to the I. She celebrated the February Revolution in Russia in , the overthrow of the monarchy and establishment of a reformist government. Sentenced to 30 days in jail, she served 15 days before being released, ten of them on a hunger strike.
Day spent several months in Greenwich Village, where she became close to Eugene O'Neill , whom she later credited with having produced "an intensification of the religious sense that was in me. Initially, Day lived a bohemian life. In , after ending an unhappy love affair with Lionel Moise, and after having an abortion that was "the great tragedy of her life,"  she married Berkeley Tobey  in a civil ceremony. She spent the better part of a year with him in Europe, removed from politics, focusing on art and literature, and writing a semi-autobiographical novel, The Eleventh Virgin , based on her affair with Moise. In its "Epilogue," she tried to draw lessons about the status of women from her experience: "I thought I was a free and emancipated young woman and found out I wasn't at all.
Freedom is just a modernity gown, a new trapping that we women affect to capture the man we want. Day later called The Eleventh Virgin a "very bad book. She lived there from to , entertaining friends and enjoying a romantic relationship that foundered when she took passionately to motherhood and religion. Day, who had thought herself sterile following her abortion, was delighted to find she was pregnant in mid, while Batterham dreaded fatherhood. While she visited her mother in Florida, separating from Batterham for several months, she intensified her exploration of Catholicism. When she returned to Staten Island, Batterham found her increasing devotion, attendance at Mass, and religious reading incomprehensible.
Soon after the birth of their daughter Tamar Teresa, on March 4, , Day encountered a local Catholic religious sister , Sister Aloysia,  and with her help educated herself in the Catholic faith, and had her baby baptized in July Batterham refused to attend the ceremony. His relationship with Day became increasingly unbearable, as her desire for marriage in the Church confronted his antipathy to organized religion, Catholicism most of all.
After one last fight in late December, Day refused to allow him to return. On December 28, she underwent conditional baptism in the Catholic Church with Sister Aloysia as her godparent. A few months later, following the stock market crash, her contract was not renewed. She returned to New York via a sojourn in Mexico and a family visit in Florida. Day supported herself as a journalist, writing a gardening column for the local paper, the Staten Island Advance , and feature articles and book reviews for several Catholic publications, including Commonweal.
During the hunger strikes in D. She comments in her autobiography: "I could write, I could protest, to arouse the conscience, but where was the Catholic leadership in the gathering of bands of men and women together, for the actual works of mercy that the comrades had always made part of their technique in reaching the workers? In , Day met Peter Maurin , the man she always credited as the founder of the movement with which she is identified. Maurin, a French immigrant and something of a vagabond, had entered the Brothers of the Christian Schools in his native France, before emigrating, first to Canada, then to the United States.
Despite his lack of formal education, Maurin was a man of deep intellect and decidedly strong views. He had a vision of social justice and its connection with the poor, which was partly inspired by St. Francis of Assisi. He had a vision of action based on sharing ideas and subsequent action by the poor themselves. Maurin was deeply versed in the writings of the Church Fathers and the papal documents on social matters that had been issued by Pope Leo XIII and his successors. Maurin provided Day with the grounding in Catholic theology of the need for social action they both felt.
Years later Day described how Maurin also broadened her knowledge by bringing "a digest of the writings of Kropotkin one day, calling my attention especially to Fields, Factories, and Workshops. Day observed: "I was familiar with Kropotkin only through his Memoirs of a Revolutionist, which had originally run serially in the Atlantic Monthly. The Catholic Worker movement started when the Catholic Worker appeared on May 1, , priced at one cent, and published continuously since then.
It was aimed at those suffering the most in the depths of the Great Depression, "those who think there is no hope for the future," and announced to them that "the Catholic Church has a social program. There are men of God who are working not only for their spiritual but for their material welfare. Like many newspapers of the day, including those for which Day had been writing, it was an unapologetic example of advocacy journalism. It provided coverage of strikes and explored working conditions, especially women and African American workers, and explained papal teaching on social issues.
Its advocacy of federal child labor laws put it at odds with the American Church hierarchy from its first issue. Still, Day censored some of Maurin's attacks on the Church hierarchy and tried to have a collection of the paper's issues presented to Pope Pius XI in The paper's principal competitor in distribution and ideology was the Communist Daily Worker. Day opposed its atheism, its advocacy of "class hatred" and violent revolution, and its opposition to private property.
The first issue of the Catholic Worker asked: "Is it not possible to be radical and not atheist? Day defended government relief programs like the Civilian Conservation Corps that the Communists ridiculed. The Daily Worker responded by mocking the Catholic Worker for its charity work and expressing sympathy for landlords when calling evictions morally wrong. In this fight, the Church hierarchy backed Day's movement and Commonweal , a Catholic journal that expressed a wide range of viewpoints, said that Day's background positioned her well for her mission: "There are few laymen in this country who are so completely conversant with Communist propaganda and its exponents.
Cort and Harry Sylvester. Sylvester dedicated his fourth novel, Moon Gaffney , to Day and Cort. From the publishing enterprise came a " house of hospitality ", a shelter that provided food and clothing to the poor of the Lower East Side and then a series of farms for communal living. More than 30 independent but affiliated Catholic Worker communities had been founded by In , the Catholic Worker began publishing articles that articulated a rigorous and uncompromising pacifist position, breaking with the traditional Catholic doctrine of just war theory. The next year, the two sides that fought the Spanish Civil War roughly approximated two of Day's allegiances, with the Church allied with Franco fighting radicals of many stripes, the Catholic and the worker at war with one another.
Day refused to follow the Catholic hierarchy in support of Franco against the Republican forces, which were atheist and anticlerical in spirit, led by anarchists and communists that is, the Republican forces were. We must prepare now for martyrdom — otherwise, we will not be ready. Who of us, if he were attacked now, would not react quickly and humanly against such attack? Would we love our brother who strikes us? Of all at The Catholic Worker, how many would not instinctively defend himself with any forceful means in his power? We must prepare. We must prepare now.
There must be a disarmament of the heart. The paper's circulation fell as many Catholic churches, schools, and hospitals that had previously served as its distribution points withdrew support. In , she published an account of her political activism transformation into religiously motivated activism in From Union Square to Rome. She recounted her life story selectively, without providing the details of her early years of "grievous mortal sin" when her life was "pathetic, little, and mean. What I want to bring out in this book is a succession of events that led me to His feet, glimpses of Him that I received through many years, which made me feel the vital need of Him and of religion.
I will try to trace for you the steps by which I came to accept the faith that I believe was always in my heart. In the early s, she affiliated with the Benedictines , in professing as an oblate of St. Procopius Abbey , in Lisle, Illinois. This gave her a spiritual practice and connection that sustained her throughout the rest of her life. She was briefly a postulant in the Fraternity of Jesus Caritas, which was inspired by the example of Charles de Foucauld. When she withdrew as a candidate for the Fraternity, she wrote to a friend: "I just wanted to let you know that I feel even closer to it all, tho it is not possible for me to be a recognized 'Little Sister,' or formally a part of it. Day reaffirmed her pacifism following the U.
We must renounce war as an instrument of policy. Even as I speak to you, I may be guilty of what some men call treason. But we must reject war. You young men should refuse to take up arms. Young women tear down the patriotic posters. And all of you — young and old put away your flags. We are still pacifists. Our manifesto is the Sermon on the Mount, which means that we will try to be peacemakers. Speaking for many of our conscientious objectors, we will not participate in armed warfare or in making munitions, or by buying government bonds to prosecute the war, or in urging others to these efforts.
But neither will we be carping in our criticism. We love our country, and we love our President. We have been the only country in the world where men of all nations have taken refuge from oppression. We recognize that while in the order of intention we have tried to stand for peace, for love of our brother, in the order of execution, we have failed as Americans in living up to our principles. The circulation of the Catholic Worker , following its losses during the Spanish Civil War , had risen to 75,, but now plummeted again. The closing of many of the movement's houses around the country, as staff left to join the war effort, showed that Day's pacifism had limited appeal even within the Catholic Worker community.
On January 13, , unions representing workers at cemeteries managed by the Archdiocese of New York went on strike. After several weeks, Cardinal Francis Spellman used lay brothers from the local Maryknoll seminary and then diocesan seminarians under his supervision to break the strike by digging graves. He called the union action "Communist-inspired. She begged him to take the first steps to resolve the conflict: "Go to them, conciliate them.
It is easier for the great to give in than the poor. Spellman stood fast until the strike ended on March 11, when the union members accepted the Archdiocese's original offer of a hour 6-day work week. Day wrote in the Catholic Worker in April: "A Cardinal, ill-advised, exercised so overwhelming a show of force against the union of poor working men.
There is a temptation of the devil to that most awful of all wars, the war between the clergy and the laity. But he is not our ruler. On March 3, , the Archdiocese ordered Day to cease publication or remove the word Catholic from her publication name. She replied with a respectful letter that asserted as much right to publish the Catholic Worker as the Catholic War Veterans had to their name and their own opinions independent of those of the Archdiocese. The Archdiocese took no action, and later, Day speculated that perhaps church officials did not want members of the Catholic Worker movement holding prayer vigils for him to relent: "We were ready to go to St. Patrick's, fill up the Church, stand outside it in prayerful meditation. We were ready to take advantage of America's freedoms so that we could say what we thought and do what we believed to be the right thing to do.
The autobiography, well and thoughtfully told, of a girl with a conventional upstate New York background whose concern for her neighbors, especially the unfortunate, carried her into the women's suffrage movement, socialism, the I. On June 15, , Day joined a group of pacifists in refusing to participate in civil defense drills scheduled that day. Some of them challenged the constitutionality of the law under which they were charged, but Day and six others believed that their refusal was not a legal dispute but one of philosophy.
Day said she was doing "public penance" for the United States' first use of an atom bomb. They pleaded guilty on September 28, , but the judge refused to send them to jail, saying, "I'm not making any martyrs. In , instead of taking shelter, she joined a group picketing the offices of the U. Atomic Energy Commission. In , along with David Dellinger and A. Muste , two veteran allies in the pacifist movement, she helped found Liberation magazine. In , she praised Fidel Castro 's "promise of social justice.
In the first of these, she wrote: "I am most of all interested in the religious life of the people and so must not be on the side of a regime that favors the extirpation of religion. On the other hand, when that regime is bending all its efforts to make a good life for the people, a naturally good life on which grace can build one cannot help but be in favor of the measures taken. Day hoped that the Second Vatican Council would endorse nonviolence as a fundamental tenet of Catholic life and denounce nuclear arms, both their use in warfare and the "idea of arms being used as deterrents, to establish a balance of terror. Despite her anti-establishment sympathies, Day's judgment of the 60s counterculture was nuanced.
She enjoyed it when Abbie Hoffman told her she was the original hippie , accepting it as a form of tribute to her detachment from materialism. She described some she encountered in in Minnesota: "They are marrying young — 17 and 18, and taking to the woods up by the Canadian border and building houses for themselves — becoming pioneers again. She imagined how soldiers returning from Vietnam would want to kill them. Still, She thought what the "flower-people" deserved was "prayer and penance. She recorded her frustration in her diary: "I have no power to control smoking of pot, for instance, or sexual promiscuity, or solitary sins.
In , Spellman visited U. In , at the height of American participation in the Vietnam War , she described Ho Chi Minh as "a man of vision, as a patriot, a rebel against foreign invaders" while telling a story of a holiday gathering with relatives where one needs "to find points of agreement and concordance, if possible, rather than the painful differences, religious and political. Despite suffering from poor health, Day visited India, where she met Mother Teresa and saw her work. In , Day visited Poland, the Soviet Union, Hungary, and Romania as part of a group of peace activists, with the financial support of Corliss Lamont , whom she described as a "'pinko' millionaire who lived modestly and helped the Communist Party USA.
Day informed her readers that: . Solzhenitsin lives in poverty and has been expelled from the Writers Union and cannot be published in his own country. He is harassed continually, and recently his small cottage in the country has been vandalized and papers destroyed, and a friend of his who went to bring some of his papers to him was seized and beaten. The letter Solzhenitsin wrote protesting this was widely printed in the west, and I was happy to see, as a result, a letter of apology by the authorities in Moscow, saying that it was the local police who had acted so violently. Day visited the Kremlin. She reported: "I was moved to see the names of the Americans, Ruthenberg and Bill Haywood , on the Kremlin Wall in Roman letters, and the name of Jack Reed with whom I worked on the old Masses , in Cyrillac characters in a flower-covered grave.
Bill Haywood was a key figure in the IWW. In , the Jesuit magazine America marked her 75th birthday by devoting an entire issue to Day and the Catholic Worker movement. The editors wrote: "By now if one had to choose a single individual to symbolize the best in the aspiration and action of the American Catholic community during the last forty years, that one person would certainly be Dorothy Day. Day had supported the work of Cesar Chavez in organizing California farm laborers from the beginning of his campaign in the mids. She admired him for being motivated by religious inspiration and committed to nonviolence.
She was arrested with other protesters for defying an injunction against picketing  and spent ten days in jail. In , Boston's Paulist Center Community named her the first recipient of their Isaac Hecker Award, given to a person or group "committed to building a more just and peaceful world. Day made her last public appearance at the Eucharistic Congress held on August 6, , in Philadelphia at a service honoring the U. Armed Forces on the Bicentennial of the United States. She spoke about reconciliation and penance and criticized the organizers for failing to recognize that for peace activists, August 6 is the day the first atomic bomb was dropped on Hiroshima , an inappropriate day to honor the military.
Day suffered a heart attack and died on November 29, , at Maryhouse, 55 East 3rd Street in Manhattan. Patrick's Cathedral. Day and Batterham had remained lifelong friends. Day struggled to write about poverty most of her life. Day also denounced sins against the poor. She said that "depriving the laborer" was a deadly sin,  using similar language to the Epistle of James in the Bible.
Day was opposed to Social Security. In the Catholic Worker, February , she wrote:. Samuel Johnson said that a pensioner was a slave of the state. That is his definition in his famous dictionary. Of course, he himself was glad of his pension, human nature being what it is, and poverty being hard as it is. We believe that social security legislation, now billed as a great victory for the poor and for the worker, is a great defeat for Christianity. It is an acceptance of the idea of force and compulsion. Of course, economists say that business cannot afford to act on Christian principles. It is impractical, uneconomic. But it is generally coming to be accepted that such a degree of centralization as ours is impractical and that there must be decentralization. In other words, business has made a mess of things, and the state has had to enter in to rescue the worker from starvation.
Day's argument preceded the view of U. In the Catholic Worker in May , Day wrote that Marx, Lenin, and Mao Tse-Tung "were animated by the love of brother and this we must believe though their ends meant the seizure of power, and the building of mighty armies, the compulsion of concentration camps, the forced labor and torture and killing of tens of thousands, even millions. She explained that she understood the jarring impact of such an assertion: . Peter Maurin was constantly restating our position and finding authorities from all faiths, and races, all authorities. He used to embarrass us sometimes by dragging in Marshall Petain and Fr. Coughlin and citing something good they had said, even when we were combating the point of view they were representing.
Just as we shock people by quoting Marx, Lenin, Mao-Tse-Tung, or Ramakrishna to restate the case for our common humanity, the brotherhood of man and the fatherhood of God. In , Day emulated Maurin when she wrote: . The two words [anarchist-pacifist] should go together, especially at this time when more and more people, even priests, are turning to violence and are finding their heroes in Camillo Torres among the priests, and Che Guevara among laymen. The attraction is strong because both men literally laid down their lives for their brothers. Day encountered anarchism while studying in the university. Day was saddened by the executions of the anarchists Sacco and Vanzetti in She wrote that when they died, "All the nation mourned. Discussing the term anarchism , she wrote: "We ourselves have never hesitated to use the word.
Some prefer personalism. But Peter Maurin came to me with Kropotkin in one pocket and St. Francis in the other! Dorothy Day's anarchist ,  distributist economic views are very similar to the anarchist Proudhon 's mutualist economic theory, by whom she was influenced. Dorothy states: "An anarchist then as I am now, I have never used the vote that the women won by their demonstrations before the White House during that period. Day explained that anarchists accepted her as someone who shared the values of their movement "because I have been behind bars in police stations, houses of detention, jails and prison farms, She wrote: "I, in turn, can see Christ in them even though they deny Him because they are giving themselves to working for a better social order for the wretched of the earth.
In the first years of the Catholic Worker , Day provided a clear statement of how her individualism contrasted with communism: . We believe in widespread private property, the de-proletarianizing of our American people. We believe in the individual owning the means of production, the land, and his tools. We are opposed to the "finance capitalism" so justly criticized and condemned by Karl Marx, but we believe there can be a Christian capitalism as there can be a Christian Communism. She also stated: "To labor is to pray — that is the central point of the Christian doctrine of work. Hence it is that while both Communism and Christianity are moved by 'compassion for the multitude,' the object of communism is to make the poor richer, but the object of Christianity is to make the rich poor and the poor holy.
In November , in the course of explaining why she had protested the recent denial of bail to several Communists ,  she wrote: "[L]et it be remembered that I speak as an ex-Communist and one who has not testified before Congressional Committees, nor written works on the Communist conspiracy. I can say with warmth that I loved the [communist] people I worked with and learned much from them. The Communists point to it as forced upon them and say that when it comes, they will take part in it, and in their plans, they want to prepare the ground and win as many as possible to their point of view and for their side. And where will we be on that day?
We will inevitably be forced to be on their side, physically speaking. But when it comes to activity, we will be pacifists, I hope and pray, non-violent resisters of aggression, from whomever it comes, resisters to repression, coercion, from whatever side it comes, and our activity will be the works of mercy. Our arms will be the love of God and our brother. We believe there must be new concepts of property, which is proper to man, and that the new concept is not so new. There is a Christian communism and a Christian capitalism. We believe in farming communes and cooperatives and will be happy to see how they work out in Cuba.
God bless Castro and all those who are seeing Christ in the poor. God bless all those who are seeking the brotherhood of man because in loving their brothers, they love God even though they deny Him. That is what we seek. That — contrary to the ethic of personal parking spaces, of the dollar-sign god — is the American way. Dorothy Day kept to that little way, and that is why we honor her.
She understood that if small is not always beautiful, at least it is always human. Day's belief in smallness also applied to the property of others, including the Catholic Church, as when she wrote: "Fortunately, the Papal States were wrested from the Church in the last century, but there is still the problem of investment of papal funds. It is always a cheering thought to me that if we have goodwill and are still unable to find remedies for the economic abuses of our time, in our family, our parish, and the mighty church as a whole, God will take matters in hand and do the job for us.
When I saw the Garibaldi mountains in British Columbia I said a prayer for his soul and blessed him for being the instrument of so mighty a work of God. May God use us! Jesuit priest Daniel Lyons "called Day 'an apostle of pious oversimplification. Day wrote in one of her memoirs: "I had a conversation with John Spivak , the Communist writer, a few years ago, and he said to me, "How can you believe? How can you believe in the Immaculate Conception, in the Virgin birth, in the Resurrection? I have accepted Her authority with my whole heart. At the same time, I want to point out to you that we are taught to pray for final perseverance.
We are taught that faith is a gift, and sometimes I wonder why some have it, and some do not. I feel my own unworthiness and can never be grateful enough to God for His gift of faith. Day's commitment to Church discipline is illustrated by an encounter with Fr. Daniel Berrigan, S. Berrigan was about to celebrate Mass for the community vested only in a stole. Day insisted that he put on the proper vestments before he began. When Berrigan complained about the law regarding liturgical vesture, Day responded, "On this farm, we obey the laws of the Church. In response to press coverage in of an ongoing dispute between Cardinal James McIntyre of Los Angeles and some of his priests, who criticized him for a lack of leadership on civil rights,   Day authored an essay on the laity's responsibility to act independently of the church hierarchy.
Nothing should stop them. Let the controversy come out into the open in this way. In September , Day discussed pre-marital sex in her column, warning against those who portrayed it as a form of freedom: "The wisdom of the flesh is treacherous indeed. When sex is treated lightly, as a means of pleasure There is no such thing as seeing how far one can go without being caught, or how far one can go without committing mortal sin. In , Day wrote again about sex — this time in her diary — in response to the criticisms of Stanley Vishnewski and other coworkers at the Tivoli farm that she had "no power" over marijuana smoking "or sexual promiscuity, or solitary sins.
For some weeks now, my problem is this: What to do about the open immorality and of course, I mean sexual morality in our midst. It is like the last times — there is nothing hidden that shall not be revealed. But when things become a matter for open discussion, what about example set, that most powerful of all teachers. We have with us now a beautiful woman with children whose husband has taken up with a seventeen-year-old, is divorcing her and starting on a new marriage. She comes to us as to a refuge whereby working for others in our community of fifty or more, she can forget once in a while her human misery. We have one young one, drunken, promiscuous, pretty as a picture, college-educated, mischievous, able to talk her way out of any situation — so far.
She comes to us when she is drunk and beaten and hungry and cold and when she is taken in, she is liable to crawl into the bed of any man on the place. We do not know how many she has slept with on the farm. Archivado desde el original el 28 de septiembre de Consultado el 11 de agosto de The Guardian London. Archivado desde el original el 13 de febrero de Consultado el 8 de septiembre de Consultado el 25 de marzo de Archivado desde el original el 20 de febrero de Consultado el 20 de febrero de Archivado desde el original el 31 de enero de Consultado el 25 de mayo deProcopius Abbeyin Ammon V. Welty Case Analysis, Illinois. Spellman Advantages Of Biopsychosocial Model fast until the strike ended on Shia just do it 11, Ammon V. Welty Case Analysis the union members accepted the Archdiocese's original offer of a hour 6-day work week. Radical Catholicism contributes Ammon V. Welty Case Analysis her Ammon V. Welty Case Analysis as a Kurt Vonneguts Literary Analysis and serves to Ammon V. Welty Case Analysis the Ammon V. Welty Case Analysis and overlap of both religious and feminist ideologies. Catholic HistorianVol. And where will we be on that day? Roman Catholic Church. Day hoped that the Second Vatican Council would Ammon V. Welty Case Analysis nonviolence as a fundamental tenet of Catholic life and denounce nuclear arms, both their use in warfare Ammon V. Welty Case Analysis the "idea of arms being used as deterrents, Ammon V. Welty Case Analysis establish a Ammon V. Welty Case Analysis of terror.