⌚ Kai Crupt: A Case Study

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Kai Crupt: A Case Study

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Violations of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (Case Study 5)

Ever since I was young, my parents have wanted me to pursue a career in medicine. Kenny and Claire Sparks are a working-class couple living in Dayton, Texas. The Sparks have been trying to have a child for seven years, when they finally conceive, Claire automatically knows she is having a boy and names him Landon. On October 23rd when Claire was just six months pregnant when she started bleeding causing Landon to be born ten weeks early and weigh only 3lbs 5oz. Kenny visits Landon before he is airlifted to Hermann hospital when he notices a mass on his spine and know his son will not survive. Kenny is told about the life Landon will have if he survived the 2 pronged surgeries which given the severity of the lesion would be lifeless and bedridden anyway. The issue of healthcare is not new, and there are certainly people such as Paul Farmer and companies like BD that are working to combat this issue.

When Dr. Farmer spent an entire day walking to one patient, he went above and beyond what most people would have done. Yet, when he went out of his way to provide aid to one person, he sacrificed helping many patients at his clinic. Out of the many events of my life that have molded me to aspire to be a physician, a humid August day in would be the pivotal moment that introduced me into the path of medicine. My father, brother, and I had been working on the front of our house to add on a porch, when my mother pulled up from receiving a routine chest x-ray due to her having influenza, and even as a nine year old child, I could tell by her expression as she approached us that something had gone terribly wrong.

All I understood about cancer at such a young age was that it killed people, devastated lives, and. If I had to pick one hard time in my life I 'd say it would be when my grandpa Marvin was in the hospital. He 's the kind of man that likes to do stuff himself rather then have people do it for him. So the hospital life was not for him, especially when you can 't do anything and the nurses have to help with everything. It all started when Grandpa had fallen down and injured his leg. In Germany, parties are legally obliged to draw up comprehensive manifestos and lodge them with the Federal Returning Officer.

These platforms are routinely scrutinised by researchers and the media. Indeed, a speech delivered by Konrad Adam on June 27, 18 gives a rather different impression. Politicians of other parties are portrayed as greedy, lazy, and incompetent predators who are after the money of ordinary taxpayers and sell out the national interest to the EU, and the mainstream media help them to cover up. Other speeches documented on the website, however four by Lucke, one by Starbatty and one by Henkel strike a similar, yet clearly more moderate tone.

Starbatty and Henkel in particular discuss intricacies of social and economic policy in great detail, while Lucke often focuses on his vision for the further development of the party. None of these speeches could be considered populist or radical. Many pages contain redundant content because they serve as archives that bring together posts related to a specific author, tag, category, or date of publication. Other pages are simply of an administrative nature e. The following analysis is therefore restricted to blog-post like pages, which contain comments on media reports, current events, or simply document statements by prominent party leaders.

For the analysis, only text in the main body of the pages was extracted. Stopword removal and stemming were conducted as outlined above. The resulting corpus consists of 45, words, which can be reduced to 9, stems. Obviously, posts on a website serve a function that is different from that of the manifesto, and this is reflected in the language used. A simple count demonstrates that the AfD is chiefly talking about itself and its leadership.

Also very prominent is the name of Bernd Lucke , who clearly overshadows his fellow leaders Adam 42 and Petry Far more important than Adam and Petry are deputy leaders Gauland and Henkel 90 , while female deputy leader Patricia Casale is not mentioned at all. Taken together, the website leaves no doubt that the AfD is a right-wing party. But all in all, there is still little evidence of populism or right-wing radicalism.

Immigrants and immigration are mentioned only 23 times equivalent to a single mention in six per cent of all posts , and not necessarily in a negative context. Bulgaria and Romania are each referenced less than 15 times, Muslims hardly play a role at all, and even Turkey and the Turks are mentioned only 23 times. But as far as foreigners are concerned, the main focus is clearly Greece and the Greeks references. The main website does not, however, include any interactive elements guest books, comments, fora. Instead, the party relies on social media websites to interact with members, supporters, the media, and the general public. Facebook is of particular importance for the party. Whereas communication on Twitter is largely unmoderated, spontaneous, and ephemeral, Facebook fanpages resemble traditional home pages.

Crucially, fanpage administrators can remove posts, restrict who may post, and even ban individual users from the page. Facebook has created an application programming interface API that makes it easy to programmatically access posts on fanpages as well as their meta data. Data were collected using version 0. The AfD launched its fanpage on March 3, , and posted for the first time on March 7.

Moreover, text within images is never truncated by Facebook and can be easily shared both on Facebook and across other channels with minimal effort. Fortunately, most images are complemented by some text, which usually re-iterates the main points or raises some additional issues. The following analysis is based on 1, posts that contain at least some text. Together, these posts make up some 72, words. From these figures, it is clear that the AfD does not simply use Facebook to re-publish the content of its main website. The vast majority of links refer to other content on Facebook. The party also makes extensive use of video clips hosted on youtube. Amongst the other sites, welt. Other important mainstream sources include the business news sites handelsblatt.

Finally, there is a host of links to various blogs and other websites. But what exactly are they talking about in the text that accompanies links, videos, and images? Again, other party leaders are mentioned far less often. Apart from that, it is slightly easier to find populist rhetoric on the Facebook page than on the main website. The only solution to this crisis is to vote for the AfD. They received more than 1. Bloggers and mainstream journalists have repeatedly suggested that the AfD buys phantom fans and fake likes on Facebook.

As of July 11 , almost 79, user-generated posts are accessible on the page. This is roughly equivalent to a corpus of 3. Together, the posts have attracted more than , comments and just over 51, shares. At 7,, the number of original posters is relatively low, and the distribution of posts across users is heavily skewed to the right The median number of posts per user is just one. A minority of five per cent has posted 30 times or more, and a tiny group of 25 users less than 0. In terms of content, the 79, user-generated posts resemble the material posted by the AfD themselves. Resentment and nationalism colour many posts.

Complaints about ungrateful immigrants, privileged homosexuals, and greedy politicians are frequent. Links to obscure right-wing sites abound. The AfD have created a space for their supporters where this kind of talk is tolerated. But only up to a point: Racist slurs and even common expletives are very rare. This does not prove, but suggests, continuous interventions by the party. In various comments, the AfD has made it clear that they are actively monitoring the page, and that they delete racist or otherwise illegal content including links to right-wing extremist websites.

There is no way of knowing how many items have been posted and subsequently deleted, but the party is treading a narrow line. On the one hand, the AfD does not want to annoy their most vocal supporters on the internet, on the other, Lucke is very wary of allegations of populism and radicalism. This article set out to answer the question whether the AfD is a right-wing, populist, and eurosceptic party. Important nuances not withstanding, their current programmatic appeal most closely resembles that of the CSU. Continued electoral support for the AfD would have profound repercussions for the existing German party system, most obviously by undermining the position of the CDU, which so far have fared much better than other Christian Democratic parties in Western Europe Bale and Krouwel In the longer run, it would directly or indirectly affect domestic, immigration, and European integration policies.

Thus far, Chancellor Merkel has ruled out coalitions with the AfD. But does this remarkable mobilisation guarantee a bright future for the AfD? Not necessarily. In the eastern state elections, the AfD even suffered a small net loss of some 18, votes compared to their state-level results in the European election. Only 22 per cent rejected both Juncker and Schulz as president of the commission, and 40 per cent said they supported the AfD to register a protest vote, not because of their policies.

Precisely what these policies are might therefore change over the near future. His plans to replace the joint leadership structure with a more traditional sole-leader role have been rejected by a party conference and have been met with criticism from his colleagues. Meanwhile, their new status as MEPs has given other leading figures such as von Storch and Pretzell a platform. Just how long the party resists that temptation remains to be seen. Art, David. Inside the Radical Right. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Arzheimer, Kai.

Benoit, Kenneth, and Michael Laver. Party Policy in Modern Democracies. However, agriculture represents just 19 percent of GDP, whereas services contribute 33 percent and industry contributes 44 percent World Bank a. Conflict and instability pose challenges to the agriculture sector by displacing farming families from their land and reducing the financial resources available to invest in seeds, fertilizer, and other inputs. Flooding, landslides, and soil erosion also hamper agricultural production and are likely to increase owing to climate change and increased climate variability FAO a; USAID b. Availability of banking services is extremely limited, particularly in rural areas, and farmers rarely have land titles that can be used as collateral for loans Marivoet et al.

DRC has experienced 11 Ebola virus disease outbreaks since Fighting the Ebola outbreak has required considerable public health resources and created significant disruption to livelihoods and food security in the affected areas. The global COVID pandemic has the potential to have more widespread effects on food security, either through the direct effects of the disease in the country or as a result of the ensuing economic contraction.

A massive and ongoing measles outbreak that began in has infected more than , people and killed 6, in , with children particularly hard hit. Measles puts children at increased risk of acute malnutrition, which, in turn, increases the severity and duration of measles Ducomble and Gignoux ; Holzmann et al. Although DRC has no Global Hunger Index score owing to a lack of data, its hunger level is provisionally designated as alarming see Box 1.

Data for one of the four indicators used to calculate GHI scores — the prevalence of undernourishment—are unavailable. However, according to the Global Report on Food Crises , DRC experienced the second-worst food crisis in the world in in terms of the number of people affected, with Factors driving food insecurity include conflict and insecurity, which trigger displacement and loss of livelihoods; weather extremes; crop pests; and economic shocks such as high maize flour prices FSIN Child stunting—an indicator of chronic undernutrition—remains high. At Children in DRC with access to health services and adequate food and care have lower levels of stunting than other children, whereas lack of rainfall during the growing season increases the probability of child stunting Skoufias, Vinha, and Sato Furthermore, children who are breastfed within the first hour of birth and children whose mothers were 20 years of age or older at the time of delivery are less likely to be stunted Kismul et al.

Child wasting—an indicator of acute undernutrition—has fallen significantly. The child wasting rate was 6. The provinces with the highest wasting rates are Nord-Ubangi, at Sud-Kivu has the lowest child wasting rate of any province, at 2. The mortality rate for children under age five has fallen but still lags behind the average rate for the region. As of child mortality in DRC was 8. One of the main causes of child mortality in DRC is malnutrition, along with malaria, acute respiratory infections, and diarrheal diseases Kavle et al.

The Congolese wars — and — increased infant mortality, mainly through higher death rates in the post-neonatal period 1 through 11 months of age Lindskog Interestingly, several provinces with high levels of ongoing conflict have relatively low child mortality rates, such as Nord-Kivu, at 2. A analysis also observed a low child mortality rate in Nord-Kivu, the center of ongoing conflict, and surmised that this low rate may have been due to the presence of several nongovernmental organizations working to reduce child mortality as well as the large proportion of children living in humanitarian camps Kandala et al. Cassava and maize are the most commonly consumed staple crops in DRC, followed by rice. Meat, fish, eggs, fruits, and vegetables are consumed occasionally, and dairy is rarely consumed Kismul, Mapatano, and Banea Among children aged 6—23 months, just 8.

It is important to note that up-to-date data on diets at the national level are limited IPC Water, sanitation, and hygiene WASH are inadequate, contributing to malnutrition and poor health. In households without clean running water, children are more likely to be stunted. Even water facilities considered to be improved have been found to be contaminated with harmful bacteria, including more than a third of piped water in Kinshasa, making clear that improved water quality is needed World Bank Various types of interventions have the potential to improve food and nutrition security in low- and lower-middle-income countries. Research has shown, however, that the effectiveness of a given approach depends on the context in which it is implemented, which can vary from country to country and even within country borders.

A selection of the impact evaluation literature presents some of the available evidence on what has been effective in DRC. Farmer field schools and a care group program for women and children have been particularly effective. It also included a care group program for pregnant women and children under two years of age that provided child health and nutrition education, promoted homestead gardens, and supplied monthly rations cornsoya blend and vitamin A—fortified oil. Supplements provided to pregnant women improve newborn nutrition.

Compared with the control group that did not receive a supplement, children born to women in the intervention group had greater length-for-age at birth Hambidge et al. To determine whether cash transfers or vouchers are more effective at assisting households in humanitarian contexts, Concern Worldwide conducted a randomized experiment at an informal camp in Masisi Territory in eastern DRC. The results showed no significant differences in terms of food consumption or other measures between the recipients of vouchers and cash transfers. However, the cash transfer program was less costly to administer on an ongoing basis and provided more flexibility and perhaps better safety for recipients, who were able to choose when and where to redeem their transfers Aker This plan includes three phases, the first of which focuses on agriculture and rural development from to , with the goal of reaching middle-income status by

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