🔥🔥🔥 Mexican Immigrants: A Qualitative Study

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Mexican Immigrants: A Qualitative Study



Mexican Immigrants: A Qualitative Study Throughout the world, Important Changes In Project Management migration routes have turned into high-risk corridors with alarming consequences for the safety, integrity Mexican Immigrants: A Qualitative Study health of migrants [ 123 Mexican Immigrants: A Qualitative Study, 4567 ]. International Mexican Immigrants: A Qualitative Study. Rent this article via DeepDyve. Mexican Immigrants: A Qualitative Study OM. You have to drink water in puddles from the watering Mexican Immigrants: A Qualitative Study Atropine Poisoning In Hawthornes The Scarlet Letter cows have been. Click Mexican Immigrants: A Qualitative Study the PLOS taxonomy Mexican Immigrants: A Qualitative Study find articles in your field.

The U.S.-Mexico migrant crisis: What is really happening at the border?

Neither nationality nor age appears to be a factor in kidnapping of migrants in Mexico. Of the total number of migrants having suffered some form of violence, 6. Sexual violence was observed more frequently among TTTs and women compared with men. The reported frequency of sexual violence shows a marked difference by gender. Experiences of sexual violence emerge as part of the unequal dynamic between migrants and the local population during their journey, and tend to occur in certain transit routes where there is significant presence of delinquent groups: in the train, in other modes of transportation, and other spaces.

He tried and I resisted. The conditions of violence as described during transit have normalized sexual violence from a perspective of gender differentiation. In the cases of women, some perceive unwanted sexual relations—that were associated with violence, or in unequal and disadvantaged situations—as one of the tools necessary to facilitate their passage and protect themselves from greater harm. Just think of it as paying for protection with [your] body.

In the same context of inequality and violence, the threshold to accept sexual relations is lowered as part of the exchange necessary to ensure survival within the migration process. But if I have to eat, wear a jacket or sleep somewhere, so I get it because there is no choice. You do everything on this trip. You have to drink water in puddles from the watering holes where cows have been. The presence of each of these elements differentiates the individual capacities of migrants to manage the aggression and violence they experience during transit. Even so, it is gender and nationality which weigh most heavily in determining the likelihood that a migrant will suffer violence while crossing Mexico, as seen in the following multivariable model.

Table 3 presents the results of the regression model designed to identify the factors related to suffering violence in any form. The multivariate analysis confirmed the relevance of gender in the likelihood of suffering violence: compared to males, TTTs proved Regarding country of origin, migrants from Central America and other countries were more likely to suffer violence than Mexican migrants Finally, years of schooling, having children only marginally significant in model 2 and having entered the US previously did not correlate with the likelihood of experiencing violence. It is also important to highlight that migrants have minimal access to legal, health and other public services and little possibility of exercising their rights. Of the total number of migrants who suffered any type of violence during transit, only Migrants experience various forms of violence throughout their journey to the US, carried out by different perpetrators that vary from the local population, the army, police and organized crime.

The violence is so frequent and generalized that migrants have accepted it as part of the price they have to pay for migrating. Globally, the dynamics of population mobility are growing complex, and human rights violations are frequent and devastating. Risk exposure under migratory conditions is escalating, and the effects of these factors on health are mirrored in increasingly acute problems, or even death [ 7 , 18 ].

Further aggravating the situation is the framework of restrictive measures and policies surrounding migration [ 19 , 20 , 21 , 31 , 32 ]. Violence against migrants starts in their own countries of origin and persists throughout their transit in Mexico and into their destinations [ 7 , 16 , 17 , 27 ]. Under these precarious conditions, violence is neither unknown nor unexpected to migrants.

However, leaving everything behind to flee from violence in their home communities does not necessarily lead migrants to a secure place. Most are aware of the distinctively violent social conditions they must contend with in Mexico [ 6 , 33 , 34 ]. And once in their destination of the US, the majority of those who succeed in crossing the border are constantly haunted by the fear of being deported [ 20 , 21 , 35 ]. The results of our study suggest that migrants from Central American and other countries are more likely to experience violence while in transit to the US than are Mexican migrants. This may be attributable to their irregular migratory conditions, minimal social support, and certainly the violent conditions encountered in Mexico [ 7 , 19 , 24 , 25 , 27 , 28 , 34 ].

The majority of these migrants seek to evade, rather than face, the myriad risks inherent in their journey, namely the presence of migration authorities, organized crime and common criminals. In order to understand the dimensions of the violence narrated by the migrants in transit through Mexico, we used the experiences of the local Mexican population as reference, and found that they were not significantly different. Over all migrants interviewed in this study, There exists a widespread distrust of authorities, which, in the case of transitory migrants, prevailed among travelers from Central America and other countries who feared deportation [ 36 , 37 ]. Of the total number of migrants who have suffered some form of violence, only one out of ten reported the event to an authority or a human rights organization.

Similarly, only Regarding the distribution of violence by gender, we identified that, overall, men suffered more violence than women, but less than TTTs. In contrast, within the Mexican migrant population, we found no statistically significant variation in the distribution of violence between male and female victims [ 35 ]. However, in our study, the distribution of violence according to gender shows that TTTs experience the highest incidence of all forms of violence.

The number of TTTs included in the study, only 67, is a limitation in drawing conclusions for this group; nevertheless, due to their apparently increased vulnerability, it is still important to discuss the results for this population. One of the most relevant explanations for the differential distribution of violence by gender during the migratory process refers to the increasing relations of inequality and pervasive gender roles present within particular migrant groups.

The perception of transit through Mexico may also contribute to the phenomenon, a country traditionally associated with gender-based inequality and violence [ 38 , 39 , 40 , 41 ]. In this case, hate crimes are exacerbated within migratory contexts, where TTTs represent a minority amidst minorities and usually travel with the exacerbated risks of irregular migratory conditions [ 44 ]. In the case of women, traditional gender roles are intensified throughout transit. Hampered by domestic responsibilities, women are also a focus of harassment and sexual violence. In addition, they are frequently pressured into transactional sex as a means of achieving transit not only for themselves but also for the other members of their migrant groups [ 45 ].

Violence against migrants occurs in social contexts of high homicide rates, both in the countries of origin and destination. Mexico, the country of transit for the migrants in question, had a rate of San Pedro Sula, Honduras, was considered the most violent city in the world in , with a rate of This violent context, present in most countries of origin, is one of the principal motives reported by migrants in their search for a better quality of life.

Nevertheless, as the results of this study demonstrate, reports of violence increase over two-fold 2. This indicates that the more extended the journey, the greater the risk of exposure to violence during the migration process. The continuously violent context in countries of origin and countries of transit has been reinforced by anti-immigration policies in the US: intensified in the Obama administration and worsened in the current Trump administration with a steeper uptick of persecution and deportation. However, despite these conditions, the majority of migrants who suffer violence in transit decide to continue their journey towards the US.

Even so, the current government of Mexico — has implemented protective measures for the human rights of transitory migrants, by means of providing a total of 13, visitor visas on humanitarian grounds to members of the migrant caravans up to February 11 th [ 46 ]. These methods appear to constitute a new social, political, and migratory scene to face the significant challenges related to the prevalent violence in these countries. Migrants are becoming visible, and at the same time, being perceived by the current US government as a threat to national security and has resulted in an emergency response, including militarization at the border, and construction of a wall between the US and Mexico.

From the start, it is important to note that incidences of violence are largely underreported mainly because victims have normalized and trivialized violence in Central America and Mexico. This may be a reflection of the fact that the interviewees did not consider the majority of their migratory experiences related to violence i. With respect to the way in which violence was categorized, it is important to take into account the difficulty of differentiating between different types of violence, as a result of the complexity of aggressions and the form in which they were reported self-report. This study presents limitations related to its cross-sectional design, which limits ability to examine temporal relationships.

The study was carried out only with migrants currently occupying the Casa de migrante , in order to control the factor of local insecurity and ensure a higher level of participant safety. The process of self-selection of the population which uses the shelters introduces bias in the results obtained, and may affect the generalizability of the findings. However, other studies present a similar prevalence of violence among migrants in general both users and non-users of shelters and their sociodemographic characteristics do not differ from the sample considered for this study [ 27 ]. Despite its limitations, we believe this study contributes important information and analyses that aid understanding of the role violence plays in the experience of undocumented migrants living in situations of high social vulnerability.

The results of this paper show that violence is one of the main risks for migrants during their transit through Mexico due to the highly vulnerable conditions they face. In order to understand how violence is exercised, we must fully comprehend its complex dimensions and the social structures that perpetuate it. In this violence-imbued context, migrants in transit are vulnerable to high social risks requiring urgent intervention for the promotion and protection of their rights. The Mexican government has received and committed to comply with a number of recommendations by national and international organizations. However, little has been done to monitor their implementation or outcomes [ 19 , 22 , 47 , 48 , 49 ].

The efforts of the Casas del migrante , civil organizations and advocates and defenders of the human rights of migrants are framed in the previously described context of structural violence. Because—or in spite—of this, however, they have come to embody a substantial part of the social response to the consequences of violence against migrants in transit through Mexico. The Casas del migrante represent one of the few places where this population can find social support and alleviate some of the negative consequences associated with the violence experienced while migrating.

However, shelters do not have the capacity to transform the conditions that determine the magnitude and consequences of violence; this is an issue that must be addressed by the Mexican government and its institutions. To do so, a series of mechanisms should be implemented for effective enforcement of the universal human right to security and social protection.

It is necessary to define strategies, which promote and protect the human rights of migrants and secure that they can fully access treatment and care when needed during the entire migration process. The discussion should include and distinguish between the concepts of risks and vulnerability and consider differences based on gender, nationality, ethnicity, and social class among the most relevant for this population. Such response must also address social issues such as stigma, discrimination, and human rights and should be based on the contextual realities. This urgently warrants further investigation aimed at providing evidence for the implementation of the human rights policies necessary to guarantee migrants the effective exercise of their rights.

Browse Subject Areas? Click through the PLOS taxonomy to find articles in your field. Abstract Objectives The objectives of the study are to 1 estimate the burden of physical, sexual, and psychological violence among migrants in transit through Mexico to the US; and 2 examine the associations between experiencing violence and sociodemographic characteristics, migratory background, and health status in this vulnerable population. Method A cross-sectional study combining qualitative and quantitative methods was carried out from to with a sample of 12, migrants in transit through Mexico to the US. Results The overall prevalence of suffering from any form of violence was Conclusion Migrants are subjected to a high level of violence while in transit to the US.

Introduction Throughout the world, traditional migration routes have turned into high-risk corridors with alarming consequences for the safety, integrity and health of migrants [ 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 ]. Methods This paper is part of a broader research project initiated in in collaboration with migrant shelters in Mexico Casas del migrante. Qualitative component In-depth interviews were held with migrants who reported in the questionnaire some form of violence during their transit through Mexico. Download: PPT. Table 1. Migrants in transit through Mexico: Sociodemographic characteristics, migratory background and health status according to experience with violence, — Table 2.

Migrants in transit through Mexico: Forms of violence by gender, — Table 3. Marginal effects of factors associated with any experience of violence among migrants in transit through Mexico to US, — Discussion Globally, the dynamics of population mobility are growing complex, and human rights violations are frequent and devastating. Implications for public policy regarding migration and human rights The continuously violent context in countries of origin and countries of transit has been reinforced by anti-immigration policies in the US: intensified in the Obama administration and worsened in the current Trump administration with a steeper uptick of persecution and deportation.

Study limitations From the start, it is important to note that incidences of violence are largely underreported mainly because victims have normalized and trivialized violence in Central America and Mexico. Conclusions The results of this paper show that violence is one of the main risks for migrants during their transit through Mexico due to the highly vulnerable conditions they face.

References 1. Bejarano J. In: La Vanguardia. Accessed 15 Oct Am J Public Health. Qualitative Health Research. Keygnaert I,Guieu A. What the eye does not see: a critical interpretive synthesis of European Union policies addressing sexual violence in vulnerable migrants. Reproductive Health Matters. The Spanish Journal of Psychology. Ruiz OM. Los riesgos de cruzar.

C; Journal of Immigrant and Minority Health. Coral I. In: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos. Accesed 9 Sept Las migraciones forzadas por la violencia: el caso de Colombia. Appleyard R. International Migration Policies: — International Migration. View Article Google Scholar Destremau B, Salama P. Estudios sobre Estado y Sociedad; 9 25 — Las consecuencias de la guerra antiinmigrante.

Zolberg A. International migration policies in a changing world system. Human migration: patterns and policies. Bloomington Indiana: Indiana University Press; Cited 17 February Border Patrol; U. Datos preliminares. Vogt WA. Crossing Mexico: Structural violence and the commodification of undocumented Central American migrants. American Ethnologist. Journal on Migration and Human Security.

Tara B, and Laczko F, editors. Geneva: International Organization for Migration; Comision Nacional de los Derechos Humanos. Key findings about U. Mexico, December Accessed 18 Sept Creswell J. Research Design. Qualitative, Quantitative and Mixed Methods Approaches. Los Angeles: Sage; Jimenez-Bautista F. Conocer para comprender la violencia: origen, causas y realidad. The contribution of different forms of violence exposure to internalizing and externalizing symptoms among young South African adolescents. Despite the importance of parents' role, there is relatively little research in the United States on Latino parents' conceptualization of the term mental health. This study focuses on understanding conceptualization patterns of children's mental health among low-income Mexican immigrant mothers.

I utilize the social construction framework to investigate the social nature of the construct mental health. I also engage with the medicalization literature to shed light on the biomedical model's perspective on mental health. Nine focus groups were conducted with 75 low-income Mexican immigrant mothers in New Mexico. Through inductive qualitative analysis of how participants define the term mental health of their children, five coexisting conceptualizations of mental health emerged: cognitive, emotional, behavioral, positive outlook, and social environment. I found that Mexican immigrant mothers have a complex, multifaceted conceptualization of children's mental health.

The mothers in this study defined mental health first in the arena of larger social dynamics and contexts in which children are embedded and then included definitions that aligned with the traditional Western biomedical framework. Mexican immigrant mothers' concept of mental health is not a fixed, purely biological or psychological concept, but instead it is an evolving, social, and multidimensional category that includes a variety of overlapping conceptualizations. The analysis suggests a need for additional research to continue to investigate the concept of mental health within this and other communities. Furthermore, this community's conceptualization of mental health was tied to the participants' identity and everyday experiences.

Contextualizing the definition of mental health should add to the understanding about mental health disparities among Latino children and suggest strategies to increase better communication between Latino parents and mental health providers.

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