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Charleston Southern Case Study



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2020 Virtual Commencement - Charleston Southern University

Johnson did not have an extensive criminal record, however, he did have priors for unlawful carrying of a firearm in , possession of marijuana in , and resisting arrest in A report says that Johnson was also arrested for unlawful carrying in November and March , and possession of a stolen firearm in October The weapon Johnson was charged with in March is the same murder weapon used for his recent charge. Supreme Court considers a similar measure in Mississippi. The 4th U. Circuit Court of Appeals has tentatively calendared the South Carolina case for oral arguments the week of Dec. Chief Eggiman has been with the department for more than 35 years, first joining as a volunteer in August Skip to content. Close You have been added to Daily News Newsletter.

Subscribe Now Daily News. In New Orleans, a multicultural city steeped in Southern history, the political leadership took the opposite tack. We encourage communities across the country to reflect on the true meaning of these symbols and ask the question: Whose heritage do they truly represent? Then, on June 17, , he attended a Bible study meeting at the historic Emanuel A. Church in Charleston, South Carolina, and murdered nine people, all of them black. Instead, when photos surfaced depicting the year-old white supremacist with the Confederate battle flag — including one in which he held the flag in one hand and a gun in the other — Roof ignited something else entirely: a grassroots movement to remove the flag from public spaces.

Public officials responded to the national mourning and outcry by removing prominent public displays of its most recognizable symbol. It became a moment of deep reflection for the nation — and particularly for a region where the Confederate flag is viewed by many white Southerners as an emblem of their heritage and regional pride despite its association with slavery, Jim Crow and the violent resistance to the civil rights movement in the s and s. The moment came amid a period of growing alarm about the vast racial disparities in our country, seen most vividly in the deaths of unarmed African Americans at the hands of police.

Under intense pressure, South Carolina officials acted first, passing legislation to remove the Confederate flag from the State House grounds, where it had flown since In Montgomery, Alabama — a city known as the Cradle of the Confederacy — the governor acted summarily and without notice, ordering state workers to lower several versions of Confederate flags that flew alongside a towering Confederate monument just steps from the Capitol. The movement quickly began to focus on symbols beyond the flag. In Memphis, the city council voted to remove a statue of Nathan Bedford Forrest , the Confederate general who oversaw the massacre of black Union soldiers and became a Ku Klux Klan leader after the Civil War.

Across the South, communities began taking a critical look at many other symbols honoring the Confederacy and its icons — statues and monuments; city seals; the names of streets, parks and schools; and even official state holidays. Now, three years after the Charleston massacre, more than monuments and other symbols of the Confederacy have been removed. But far more remain. In this updated survey, the Southern Poverty Law Center identified 1, Confederate monuments, place names and other symbols still in public spaces, both in the South and across the nation. Lee and Stonewall Jackson sparked several demonstrations, including the deadly protest on Aug. And it conceals the true history of the Confederate States of America and the seven decades of Jim Crow segregation and oppression that followed the Reconstruction era.

There is no doubt among reputable historians that the Confederacy was established upon the premise of white supremacy and that the South fought the Civil War to preserve its slave labor. Its founding documents and its leaders were clear. Confederate monuments and other symbols are very much a part of that effort. As a consequence of the national reflection that began in Charleston, the myths and revisionist history surrounding the Confederacy may be losing their grip in the South.

The effort to remove them is about more than symbolism. Download a larger version of this image. The dedication of Confederate monuments and the use of Confederate names and other iconography began shortly after the Civil War ended in But two distinct periods saw significant spikes. The first began around as Southern states were enacting Jim Crow laws to disenfranchise African Americans and re-segregate society after several decades of integration that followed Reconstruction.

It lasted well into the s, a period that also saw a strong revival of the Ku Klux Klan. Many of these monuments were sponsored by the United Daughters of the Confederacy. The second period began in the mids and lasted until the late s, the period encompassing the modern civil rights movement. While new monument activity has died down, since the s the Sons of Confederate Veterans has continued to erect new monuments. Schools, parks, streets, dams and other public works are named for its generals. Courthouses, capitols and public squares are adorned with resplendent statues of its heroes and towering memorials to the soldiers who died. And, speckling the Southern landscape are thousands of Civil War markers and plaques.

Note: The map below includes symbols and monuments that have been removed. To view only the active symbols, uncheck the "Removed symbols" box. View the full map. For decades, those opposed to public displays honoring the Confederacy raised their objections, but with little success. A notable exception was a Southern Poverty Law Center suit that, relying on an obscure state law, led to the removal of the Confederate battle flag from the Alabama Capitol in But everything changed on June 17, — just five days short of the th anniversary of the last shot of the Civil War. As the nation recoiled in horror, photos showing the gunman with the Confederate flag were discovered online. Almost immediately, political leaders across the South were besieged with calls to remove the flag and other Confederate symbols from public spaces.

In the weeks that followed, it became clear that hundreds of public entities ranging from small towns to state governments across the South paid homage to the Confederacy in some way. But there was no comprehensive database of such symbols, leaving the extent of Confederate iconography supported by public institutions largely a mystery.

In an effort to assist the efforts of local communities to re-examine these symbols, the SPLC launched a study to catalog them. For the final tally, the researchers excluded thousands of monuments, markers or other tributes that were on or in battlefields, museums, cemeteries and other places that are largely historical in nature. In this second edition of the report, the SPLC has identified monuments and symbols not included in the first report and removed those reported erroneously. The study identified 1, publicly sponsored symbols honoring Confederate leaders, soldiers or the Confederate States of America in general. These include monuments and statues; flags; holidays and other observances; and the names of schools, highways, parks, bridges, counties, cities, lakes, dams, roads, military bases and other public works.

Many of these are prominent displays in major cities and at state capitols; others, like the Stonewall Jackson Volunteer Fire and Rescue Department in Manassas, Virginia, are little known. Lee is by far the most prominent, with a total of Beauregard 57 and J. Stuart Sign our petition to tell lawmakers to remove symbols honoring Jefferson Davis from public spaces. Of the public schools and three colleges named for Confederates leaders, those honoring Robert E. Beauregard 7 and John Reagan 6. The vast majority are in the states of the former Confederacy, though Robert E.

Lee Elementary in East Wenatchee, Washington, is an interesting outlier. And, until their names were changed in , two elementary schools in California Long Beach and San Diego were named for Lee. The Long Beach school was renamed in honor of a local labor activist. The study identified monuments at county courthouses, town squares, state capitols and other public venues. The majority were dedicated before Twenty eight were dedicated between and Thirty-four were dedicated after Many of these are memorials to Confederate soldiers, typically inscribed with colorful language extolling their heroism and valor, or, sometimes, the details of particular battles or local units.

Three states stand out for having far more monuments than others: Georgia , Virginia and North Carolina But the other eight states that seceded from the Union have their fair share: Texas 68 , Alabama 60 , South Carolina 58 , Mississippi 52 , Tennessee 43 , Arkansas 41 , Louisiana 32 and Florida These monuments are found in a total of 23 states and the District of Columbia. Outside of the seceding states, the states with the most are Kentucky 24 , Missouri 13 and West Virginia 9. Monuments are also found in states far from the Confederacy, including California 3 and Arizona 4.

Southerners began honoring the Confederacy with statues and other symbols almost immediately after the Civil War. The first Confederate Memorial Day, for example, was dreamed up by the wife of a Confederate soldier in That same year, Jefferson Davis laid the cornerstone of the Confederate Memorial Monument in a prominent spot on the state Capitol grounds in Montgomery, Alabama. But two distinct periods saw a significant rise in the dedication of monuments and other symbols. The first began around , amid the period in which states were enacting Jim Crow laws to disenfranchise the newly freed African Americans and re-segregate society.

This spike lasted well into the s, a period that saw a dramatic resurgence of the Ku Klux Klan, which had been born in the immediate aftermath of the Civil War. The second spike began in the early s and lasted through the s, as the civil rights movement led to a backlash against deseregationists. In , Confederate flags were removed from the capitol grounds of South Carolina and Alabama following the Charleston church massacre.

However, the survey identified seven public places in five former Confederate states where the flag still flies or is represented. The most prominent is the Mississippi state flag, adopted amid the onset of Jim Crow in It conspicuously incorporates the Confederate battle flag into its design. In addition, emblems that adorn the uniforms of Alabama state troopers contain a likeness of the flag. All of the 10 military bases named for Confederate leaders are located in the former states of the Confederacy. They are Fort Rucker Gen. Henry L. Benning and Fort Gordon Maj. Beauregard and Fort Polk Gen. Hill Gen. Hill , Fort Lee Gen. Charles Lee and Fort Pickett Gen.

George Pickett in Virginia. In 11 states, 23 Confederate holidays or observances are written into the state code, but only nine of those holidays, in five states, are paid holidays for state employees. The nine holidays officially observed in are: Alabama Robert E. Lee Day from Martin Luther King Day and made it a standalone, unpaid holiday marked with a gubernatorial proclamation. Sign our petition to tell lawmakers to eliminate public holidays honoring Jefferson Davis. The survey identified Confederate symbols removed since the Charleston massacre, including 48 monuments and three flags, and name changes for 35 schools and one college, and 10 roads. Among them was the Confederate battle flag that had flown at the South Carolina State House grounds in Columbia for 54 years.

Eighty-five removals were in former Confederate states. Some removals were highly contentious, like in New Orleans, where the city in removed three prominent statues honoring Robert E. Lee, Jefferson Davis and P. Throughout the South, thousands of historical markers have been planted along roadways and in other public spaces to commemorate some aspect of the Confederacy or its soldiers and leaders. These markers, except in a handful of cases, are not counted in this survey.

But they bear attention because of their ubiquity and because some appear to be part of a wider effort by their sponsors to mythologize and glorify the Confederacy. Numerous markers simply pinpoint the former locations of businesses or facilities — arms factories , tanneries , and printing presses , for example — that aided the Confederacy in some way. Some memorialize relatively insignificant incidents, actions, places or facts involving Confederate military activity or leaders.

There are markers that recall the times that Robert E. Lee and Jefferson Davis visited a city, a marker remembering the first Confederate Memorial Day, and one marking the original location of a Confederate monument that had been moved. Most Confederate historical markers stick with the facts, but some promote false narratives or ascribe motives to Confederate leaders that are at odds with history.

Typically, markers on public lands are reviewed by state or local historical commissions. In some cases, though, markers in public spaces are similar in color, shape and size to those approved by historical commissions but have no official markings to confirm that they were, in fact, sponsored or sanctioned by those bodies. Taken in sum, Confederate markers do not provide a comprehensive look at the Civil War but rather focus narrowly on the Confederate war effort.

In , the Georgia Historical Society conducted a review of the more than Civil War markers in the state. The group has been responsible for erecting more than monuments and other memorials to the Confederacy across the South, far more than any other group, according to The Washington Post. This study, which identified monuments and total symbols sponsored by the UDC, counts only those found on public land, mostly at county courthouses and other conspicuous locations. It does not include monuments at cemeteries and battlefields. The UDC has been accused by historians of promoting a false history and, by extension, white supremacy, particularly in its early years.

And we call on these people to cease using Confederate symbols for their abhorrent and reprehensible purposes. The SCV, formed in from the remnants of the United Confederate Veterans, is far more overt in its defense of the Confederacy and the principles for which it stood. Southerners opposed to the removal of Confederate monuments have found plenty of support from their political leaders.

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