① Girls Basketball Camps Research Paper

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Girls Basketball Camps Research Paper



Basketball Camp Research Paper Words 2 Girls Basketball Camps Research Paper The Girls Basketball Camps Research Paper way to utilize your summer vacation is to attend a girls ' basketball camp. Finally, he urged A Character Analysis Of Odysseus In Homers Odyssey practitioners, Girls Basketball Camps Research Paper administrators, and policy makers document such placements and evaluate their impacts. Useful Definition. Girls Basketball Camps Research Paper support the entire team. They are not malignant. However, although the downward spiral can occur very quickly, such interventions work much more Girls Basketball Camps Research Paper.

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Thus, most family interventions are attempts to change one or more of these processes, and a variety of evidence from cross-sectional, longitudinal, and experimental prevention trials has yielded support for several conclusions NRC and IOM, :. Many social risk factors have been shown to increase the likelihood that adolescents will engage in risk behaviors as well as to disrupt parenting and family processes. Thus, parenting and family processes are the most common targets of interventions for families experiencing adversity, such as economic hardship; parental divorce, death, or mental illness; or parental criminal activity. Research has shown that these core processes work the same way across many racial and ethnic groups; where cultural differences are evident, they reveal differences in the magnitude of the effect.

Core family values, expectations, and goals, however, do vary across ethnic groups, and these differences must be taken into account when implementing family interventions, Gonzales said. Different risks as well as protective family resources are common in different groups, and these can also be addressed through culturally tailored interventions. Although the evidence for the effectiveness of interventions that target these processes is strong, the challenge is to identify and reach the families that need them. Gonzales used the ecological transactional framework, shown in Figure , to illustrate the array of influences that affect adolescents.

She explained that the family plays a central role in negotiating these influences and has the potential to help protect the adolescent or the reverse. Families vary, for example, in the extent to which they encourage and support education, monitor and manage peer activities, and so forth. Different neighborhoods present different sets of risks and require different strategies. Ecological transactional framework. Prevention researchers distinguish among universal interventions delivered to all members of a population , selective interventions delivered to segments of a population identified as being at high risk for a particular outcome , and indicated interventions delivered to individuals already showing signs of a particular risk.

Some interventions operate across these levels, depending on need and risk. Interventions may also focus on a range of ages. Those that focus on young children tend to have comparatively stronger effects, Gonzales observed, because younger children are more malleable. It is often possible to have broader impact on a range of risks with early intervention. Home visits to new mothers, designed to instill positive parent-child interactions from the beginning, is an early intervention that has shown promise. Effects for this approach include reduced physical abuse, aggression, and harsh parenting, as well as reduced antisocial behavior a precursor to many problem behaviors in children.

The effects are strongest for families in the greatest adversity. Research to document the long-term effects on adolescent behavior, however, has been limited. Interventions also target stages of transition across development, each of which may present not only new risks, but also new opportunities for influencing outcomes. That is, a developmental turning point may be a place where a negative trajectory is established or an opportunity for adolescents to develop new skills.

Many middle school interventions are designed around this idea, Gonzales noted. This is an important stage, Gonzales said, because it is when many risk behaviors are initiated and adolescents face many new challenges, including puberty and the growing importance of peer groups. The Strengthening Families intervention, for example—a universal intervention that addresses the parenting skills of individuals with children ages 10 to 14—has shown success in reducing conduct problems and affiliation with antisocial peers.

Intervening later in adolescence is more challenging because negative trajectories are often well established by then. One approach that has had success is multisystemic therapy for youth with serious behavior problems Henggeler et al. This is a very intensive individualized intervention that focuses on strengthening parenting and family relations working with families in their homes and also on removing youth from deviant peer groups, improving their school and work performance, and developing social networks. Evaluations have shown long-term reductions in rates of criminal offending, recidivism, rearrest, and out-of-home placement. Looking across the literature, Gonzales concluded that meta-analyses and numerous randomized controlled trials have demonstrated strong empirical support for interventions designed to improve parenting and family functioning.

These interventions demonstrate effects on many problem behaviors and produce lasting benefits in many cases for ethnically diverse families. Evidence suggests that interventions that simultaneously address risk across contexts may be necessary, particularly at the later ages and also when implemented with youth in low-income neighborhoods and families. The relatively few economic analyses that have been conducted consistently show that benefits outweigh the costs of these interventions.

The influence of peers is similarly complex, as Mitchell J. Prinstein and Kenneth A. Dodge demonstrated. Prinstein began by explaining that, in general, the research literature on peer influence and the interventions related to it are less mature than those on families. Two possible explanations for this association have emerged. The other is that, when an individual socializes with particular people, he or she tends to adopt the behaviors or traits they have.

Researchers who have explored this question have largely concluded that in most cases both effects are important Dishion and Owen, ; Hall and Valente, ; Kandel, ; Popp et al. Researchers in this area have focused primarily on a few behaviors. Figure illustrates the degree of support that exists for the influence of peers on different problem and risk behaviors. He noted that several very important areas have received very little attention, such as weight-related behaviors and damaging behaviors, such as self-cutting. What behaviors are influenced by peers? While the best friendship does seem to be an important influence, emerging evidence indicates that other peers also play an important role.

Adolescents are quite likely to emulate the behavior of popular peers. They have a strong investment in social comparison and reflected appraisal and with meeting the demands of those considered the most popular in their peer group. Prinstein noted the important distinction between adolescents who are well liked and those who are identified as popular, the latter signifying those who are at the top of a dominance hierarchy. It is the dominant individuals who seem to be the most influential, particularly with regard to high-risk behaviors. They tend to be both aggressive and more than usually prone to those behaviors. Moreover, it is rare for friendship dyads to occur in isolation; more typically they occur within a friendship network or clique.

These social patterns are very difficult to study, he added, because they evolve so rapidly. Even those who do not interact with one another within the peer crowd might feel the need to adopt the attitudes or behaviors of the crowd with which they would like to associate. The influence of romantic partners has also just begun to receive attention, and Prinstein commented that researchers have not always been careful to distinguish these different sorts of peer relationships.

Further research is also needed to illuminate the ways adolescents negotiate these complex relationships—how they decide whom to heed among the many possible sources of influence. A facet of that question is that of nonconformity. Adolescents who choose not to conform to the attitudes and behaviors of their peers are under the illusion that their behavior is therefore free of peer influence.

But, in fact, by adopting the opposite behaviors, they are still very much cognizant of and influenced by the social norms of their peer group, although they might not realize that their behavior is being influenced by those perceived norms. Prinstein mentioned strong theoretical reasons to think that times of transition, such as puberty, school transitions, and certain stages of friendships, appear to be key times when peer influence is strongest. These are times when adolescents tend to be particularly sensitive to peer feedback as a source of understanding of their own identity.

Adopting the behaviors of those with whom one would like to be friends is a strategy for seeking the relationship. Few researchers have done empirical work in this area or on the question of how peer influence works. Related to that possibility is emerging evidence that aggressive and rejected youth, who already have a range of risk factors, also seem to have a difficult time accurately estimating the behaviors of their peers. Youth who have already engaged in a particular behavior also tend to assume that they are in the majority and that others are engaging in similar risk behaviors. Another possible mechanism for negative peer influence is a process called deviancy training, in which specific types of interactions within friendship dyads may reinforce talk about deviant behaviors.

Such talk is strongly associated with subsequent engagement in that behavior. When neither member of a pair of friends has engaged in deviant behavior, laughter and other support usually follows discussion of normative non-deviant behaviors. In pairs of friends who have both engaged in a deviant behavior, however, laughter and other encouragement follows talk of rule-breaking. This tendency for adolescents to positively reinforce talk about deviant acts is a very powerful indicator of their long-term likelihood of engaging in the behavior.

Some researchers have shed light on the question of which young people are most susceptible to peer influence. High levels of social anxiety or low levels of self-esteem tend to make adolescents more likely to adopt the perceived behaviors of their peers, as are those who have been rejected. Poor family relationships make adolescents more likely to attract and affiliate with deviant peers and to adopt their attitudes.

This is another area in which further research is needed, Prinstein observed. The primary public policy approach to deviant adolescents in the United States today is to aggregate them with other deviant adolescents, Dodge pointed out. Mental health providers offer group therapy and residential treatment to a significant portion of patients. The public education system is increasingly likely to segregate youth with behavior and other problems through academic tracking, special education, in-school suspension, and alternative schools. Youth who end up in the juvenile justice system are placed in training schools, boot camps, or incarcerated, in each case together with other deviant youth.

Although there are some potential benefits to interventions that occur in the context of peer groups, there are also very significant adverse effects. Peers can be a source of reward, satisfaction, and identity development. Meta-analyses, however, have shown that interventions that are effective with individuals are significantly less so when administered to peer groups, as shown in Table Research identified here, on programs that treat delinquency and antisocial behavior, shows that in some cases the effect is not just a decrement in the effect but an adverse effect. If the peer group is composed exclusively of deviant youth, there is even greater decrement, as shown in Figure All-deviant peer groups worsen outcomes beyond mixed peer groups: Meta-analysis of social skills training interventions.

Data from Ang and Hughes, In a study of high-risk boys who were randomly assigned either to a summer peer group camp or to a control group, researchers showed that boys who were placed in the camp for two summers had significantly worse year outcomes than the control subjects McCord, Another study Dishion and Andrews, showed similar results: high-risk to year-olds were randomly assigned to peer group intervention, family intervention, or a control. Those in the peer group intervention had the worst outcomes, and it was those who were initially only modestly deviant who had the worst outcomes.

Another study, Dodge said, showed that although deviant boys in all-deviant groups got worse, deviant boys in mixed groups improved Feldman et al. Similar effects are evident in naturally occurring contexts, such as schools. The growing practice of using in-school suspension to punish students for infractions is one example. Students typically are placed in a classroom with others who have committed infractions.

They are not allowed to associate with other students and are often supervised throughout the day by an inexperienced teacher. One study showed that 6th graders in North Carolina placed in this setting had twice the risk of subsequently being suspended in the next year for drug use, compared with other suspended youth Vigdor, Another study, of adolescents incarcerated in Florida, showed that those placed in cells with peers convicted of drug-related crimes had a significantly higher likelihood of subsequently being arrested for a drug-related crime themselves than youth placed in other cells Bayer et al.

The effects are similar for sex offenses, assault, larceny, and burglary. A similar effect is evident with school placement and grade retention. Children who attend a 6th grade that is part of a middle school, and thus associate with older peers, are more likely to be suspended, have double the rate of violence, and have worse test scores than their peers who attend 6th grade in an elementary school Cook et al. Similarly, youth who are instructed in classrooms in which 20 percent of the students had been retained have significantly higher retention rates. Researchers have found some evidence that these peer influences are reciprocal Boxer et al.

That is, for example, children in groups in which the majority are aggressive will become more so, and children in groups in which the majority are not aggressive will become less so. The general tendency is for groups to homogenize, but there are several moderators that may either increase or mitigate adverse effects. The influence of deviant peers is likely to be greater when they are slightly older and more deviant and when it is likely that the peers will interact outside the intervention setting. Similarly, participants who are in early adolescence and are already moderately deviant but are not yet committed to deviant behavior are the most susceptible to deviant peer influence.

However, moderators that minimize deviant peer influence include experienced and well-trained leaders and constant monitoring; use of behavioral approaches, such as positive reward structures; highly structured time; the promotion of a cultural norm of nondeviance; and a short duration. Dodge closed with several ideas regarding interventions for deviant youth. First, he thinks that ineffective programs, placements, and treatments that aggregate deviant peers should be avoided if possible. These include residential schools, boot camps, midnight basketball, and nonstructured after-school programs. When deviant peers are treated together, a number of measures can minimize the negative peer influence. Dodge recommended not placing the most susceptible youth slightly delinquent early adolescents in such settings and not placing youth with older, more deviant peers.

The factors mentioned above—structured time, monitoring, and short duration—are also important. Finally, he urged that practitioners, program administrators, and policy makers document such placements and evaluate their impacts. The record should include a description of the placement environment, a description of the individuals treated or included, and rigorously designed evaluation. School is typically the largest and most important institution with which young people are involved, and it is a primary context for their development, Stephanie Jones observed. She, Sandra Graham, and Douglas Kirby provided three perspectives on the ways school influences adolescent risk behavior. Jones provided an overview of the many aspects of school that may play a role.

Schools have broad structural characteristics that vary such as the socioeconomic status of the population they serve, their size and the ratio of teachers to students, school and classroom size, and student and teacher mobility. She explained they also have microcontexts classrooms, hallway interactions, cafeteria, bathrooms and microsystems or networks among particular sets of peers or teachers and other staff that influence the experiences an individual has at school, often profoundly. Each of these settings and networks may have distinct characteristics and varying behavioral norms. Each of these factors interacts and contributes to the experience an individual has at school, in terms of his or her feelings of connectedness to school, perception of safety and general climate, the quality of the relationships he or she forms, and so forth.

Jones suggested that these factors have an effect on risk-taking and also on the development of both problems and competencies. Yet because the character and composition of groups fluctuate rapidly and many of the other features may be in flux in the course of a school year, they are very difficult to research. Some research has been able to establish links between structural characteristics of schools and behavioral outcomes, she observed Astor et al.

Less attention has focused on the microcontexts and microsystems, and Jones explained that it has been difficult to disentangle the effects of the characteristics students and adults bring to particular schools from the context of the schools themselves. Large-sample studies using multilevel designs would make it possible to examine the intersection of these various factors more carefully, she said. Some promising factors to examine, she added, include patterns of social organization within schools, student monitoring, and behavior management strategies.

Schools currently use a wide array of strategies to change social and behavioral outcomes for their students, Jones explained. Other approaches include efforts to improve the overall school climate and policies designed to address social structures and relationships. Few interventions address the character of settings within the school. In general, these school-based interventions appear to be effective at reducing alcohol and drug use, dropout rates, and absence and other conduct problems, although effect sizes vary depending on the age of the students and other factors see, e. Overall, effect sizes are modest, however. Methodological issues have hampered research in this area thus far, Jones said.

In order to develop more empirical evidence, large samples of schools and short- and long-term longitudinal data covering elementary and middle school would be needed. At present, the field lacks reliable and valid measures of settings, and theoretical modeling of the school environment has not been firmly established. This is an important topic, she noted, in part because the demographic composition of the K population has changed and is continuing to change so rapidly, as shown in Table Despite these changes, Graham said, the public schools are more racially segregated now than they have been in the last 40 years. The typical white student today attends a school that is 80 percent white, while the typical African-American or Hispanic student attends a school in which two-thirds or more of the students are of their own ethnicity, as illustrated in Figure The inner-city schools represented in the figure tended to be in areas of highly concentrated poverty and to have few resources compared with other schools.

Jefferson County Board of Education case indicated that it did not recognize diversity as a compelling interest for K schools as it has for postsecondary institutions. Thus, she said, it is important that developmental psychologists be prepared to make the case for why racial and ethnic diversity are important advantages for school communities. Ethnic composition of the five largest central city school districts. Data from National Center for Educational Statistics.

Washington, DC. These four ways are peer victimization, school transition, discrimination, and the achievement gap. The first, peer victimization, involves cases in which there is an imbalance of power among young people and the minority group is subjected to psychological, verbal, or physical abuse, such as hitting, name calling, racial slurs, and social exclusion. National surveys indicate that 70 percent of middle and high school students report that they have been bullied at some point 20 to 40 percent within the current school year. In any given classroom, Graham explained, 5 to 15 percent of students are likely to be chronic victims, and 5 to 10 percent are likely to be chronic bullies.

Young people ages 8 to 15 report that they are more concerned about emotional maltreatment and social cruelty than they are about anything else, including their academic achievement. It is in part for these reasons that the American Medical Association has designated peer victimization as a public health concern, Graham explained. As part of the Peer Relations Project, researchers investigated the hypothesis that peer victimization may be reduced in schools that are racially and ethnically diverse, because there is more likely to be a balance of power among groups in those circumstances, by working with schools in the Los Angeles Unified School District.

They classified the diversity of 99 classrooms in 11 middle schools using the Simpson Index a tool used by sociologists, demographers, and ethologists to measure the relative representation of different groups. The results indicated that students do indeed feel less vulnerable in diverse schools, Graham explained. More specifically, the researchers found that as diversity increased, all students not just members of minority groups were less likely to feel victimized, perceived their school as safer, felt less lonely, and had greater self-esteem. Second, the transition from middle to high school is a time of particular challenge for adolescents, especially if the racial composition of the new school context differs from their previous one.

This transition generally involves moving to a larger school and negotiating new relationships with teachers and peers. Adolescents tend to feel more anxious and lonely while they are making this transition, and their academic achievement tends to decline. Here again, the Peer Relations Project researchers examined whether school diversity affects this experience. Looking at Los Angeles schools, they examined the experiences of students who moved to high schools that were either significantly more or less diverse than their middle schools. They found that students transitioning to a school in which their own group was less well represented felt less of a sense of belonging. She reported empirical evidence that discrimination increases during the first 2 years of high school, is more commonly experienced by boys than girls, and is more common in diverse schools than in nondiverse schools but experienced by groups not well represented in the diverse schools.

At the same time, however, ethnic diversity among the teachers in a school may buffer the effects of discrimination. Finally, Graham and her colleagues point out that the racial and ethnic composition of a school may have psychosocial effects on the students who then may underperform or disengage from school. They examined whether there are psychosocial factors related to worldviews about race and ethnicity that could help to explain the persistent achievement gap between African-American and Hispanic students and their peers evident on the National Assessment of Educational Progress and other measures.

After examining a variety of attitudes and perceptions that could affect academic achievement, they found that a subset of students approximately 10 percent have very negative worldviews that may be significant. They think the school rules are unfair, that the discipline is harsh, and that the racial climate is negative. They do not trust the authority figures in school, and they experience racial discrimination. The researchers concluded both that these worldviews are partly shaped by the ethnic composition of schools and that they seem likely to influence academic motivation and achievement.

She advocates reframing the question to ask how, rather than whether, school diversity promotes healthy development and researching both the benefits and the challenges of diversity. First, he noted, although schools seem to be a primary avenue for reaching adolescents, few general school characteristics appear to have much relation to sexual behavior, when other factors are controlled. One reason is that a variety of factors tend to cluster together, so when some are controlled, effects for others will not be evident.

For example, a school with a percentage of students receiving free or reduced-price lunch is likely to have students who engage in more sexual risk-taking than other students, but when the poverty level of the family or the community is controlled, the relationship disappears. The one school factor that did emerge as significant, he noted, was connectedness to school. Young people who feel connected to their schools initiate sex at a later age, and those who are also performing well academically also have fewer sexual partners, are more likely to use safe sex practices, and are less likely to get pregnant. Many studies have also explored the effectiveness of various interventions, and Kirby focused on those designed to provide education about avoiding pregnancy, sexually transmitted diseases, and HIV.

He noted that although millions of dollars have been spent on such programs over the past few decades and teen pregnancy rates have declined, it is still the case that 30 percent of all girls become pregnant before they turn 20 and 38 percent of to year-old girls who have had sex have a sexually transmitted disease. Kirby examined experimental or quasi-experimental studies of curriculum-based programs for middle and high school youth and found 48 that met certain criteria for design and other features described in Kirby, The studies included both programs that emphasize abstinence and programs that do that and also encourage the use of condoms and contraception. Overall, the results shown in Table indicate that such programs do not actually encourage sexual behavior but may in fact result in youth delaying sexual initiation.

He noted modest evidence that abstinence-only programs may have limited beneficial effect, as well as evidence that programs designed to encourage condom use and avoid other risks can be successful. More than two-thirds of the programs had a positive effect on one or more of the risk behaviors, which Kirby characterized as remarkable success. Kirby concluded that the mixed message of promoting both abstinence and safe sex practices is not confusing to young people and that the programs can be effective with multiple groups: males, females, all major racial and ethnic groups, those who have had sex, those who have not, and youth in both advantaged and disadvantaged communities.

The studies indicate that these programs can be replicated with faithful implementation and point to program characteristics that appear to be effective. In general, Kirby explained, the most effective programs addressed numerous risk and protective factors that affect sexual behavior. Successful programs that focused on abstinence tended to cover:. Programs that focus on encouraging condom or contraceptive use incorporate many of the same features but also include knowledge and attitudes related to condoms and contraceptives.

Successful strategies include assigning students to talk with their parents about specific topics. Strategies that do not work include promoting values without talking directly about sex, not giving a clear message about behavior, focusing primarily on technical knowledge, and targeting the curriculum to students who are very impulsive and are high sensation-seekers. Kirby closed with the observation that this sort of education is not a complete solution. It reduces risk by one-third—a success rate he considers significant, in the context of the many, many influences pushing in the other direction.

Ways to bring about even more substantial changes are not yet evident. The communities in which young people live can also have important influences on their development, for good or ill, as both Tama Leventhal and Deborah Gorman-Smith discussed. The neighborhood is an important context, Leventhal explained, because it is the place where a wide array of peer and other social interactions take place and where adolescents have access to institutional resources. The structural characteristics of a neighborhood, including its economic status, housing quality, and the availability of resources, are important, Gorman-Smith said. So, too, are the social processes that occur in the neighborhood context, as well as the interactions between community characteristics and other influences, such as peers, family, and schools.

Researchers tend to use census units either the neighborhood, approximately 3, to 8, people, or the block, from to 3, people , although, Leventhal noted, many do not define the term when they survey people about their neighborhoods. Gorman-Smith noted that much of the research on neighborhood effects has focused not on individual development, but on the neighborhood characteristics that are associated with crime or other negative phenomena.

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